• World Press Freedom Index 2025: 129th out of 180 – Reporters Without Borders
• Freedom in the World 2025: “Partially Free” (44/100) – Freedom House
• Corruption Perception Index 2024: 39/100 (≈91ᵉ / 180) – Transparency International

Introduction

The Tunisian media landscape is undergoing a profound transformation, oscillating between tradition and innovation. Since the 2011 revolution, print media, radio, and television have increasingly coexisted with digital media and independent platforms, offering an unprecedented diversity of voices. This openness allows citizens to access information, debate, and express themselves like never before. Yet, despite these advances, the sector remains vulnerable to economic pressures, the challenges of media concentration, and the limitations of regulation, serving as a reminder that freedom and quality of information remain daily struggles.

1. Freedom of expression

In 2025–2026, freedom of expression in Tunisia is on a trajectory of continuous decline compared to the post-2011 period. Since the concentration of power by President Kaïs Saïed from July 2021, the media environment has gradually shifted from a pluralistic and conflictual space to a more restrictive and dissuasive framework.

The main change lies in the increasing legal scrutiny of public speech. Lawsuits brought against journalists, columnists, lawyers, or political opponents often concern media statements or social media posts deemed to constitute "spreading false information" or "disturbing public order."

The phenomenon is not marginal: repeated summonses before specialized units, prolonged periods of police custody, and criminal proceedings based on broad legal formulations. This situation has a profound deterrent effect. Direct criticism of executive institutions, the presidency, or the security forces is now perceived as legally risky.

No significant signs of improvement are observable in 2025. On the contrary, restrictive practices seem to be becoming entrenched.

2. Media Laws (Recent Developments)

The central text structuring the current landscape remains Decree-Law 54 relating to cybercrime (2022) . Officially presented as a tool to combat disinformation and attacks on digital systems, it is being used in several cases targeting journalists or commentators.

Article 24, which criminalizes the dissemination of "false information" likely to disturb public order or national security, provides for prison sentences and substantial fines. The lack of a precise definition of "false information" leaves considerable room for interpretation by the judicial authorities.

Moreover :

• Provisions of the Penal Code relating to the defamation of public officials continue to be invoked.
• Military courts have been seized in certain cases involving civilians accused of undermining the military institution.
• The audiovisual regulatory body (HAICA), created after 2011 to guarantee pluralism, sees its role weakened in practice, particularly in terms of appointment and governance of public media.

The current legal architecture therefore favours security-based regulation rather than a framework that protects freedom of expression.

3. Pluralism

Formally, Tunisia maintains a diverse media landscape: public channels, private channels, regional radio stations, digital platforms, community media.

However, functional pluralism has decreased.

Public service television news programs largely reflect the institutional line. Contradictory debates are less frequent than during the post-revolutionary decade.

Three main trends can be observed:

• Media outlets adopting a cautious approach and avoiding sensitive topics.
• Media outlets aligned with the official narrative.
• A limited number of independent digital platforms maintain a critical approach, primarily online.

Pluralism still exists, but it is weakened by judicial and economic pressure.

4. Censorship and self-censorship

Direct censorship (formal bans on publication) is less visible than self-censorship.

The dominant mechanism is deterrence through criminal risk.

Observable examples:

• Reluctance to publish investigations into security institutions.
• Systematic legal review of articles referring to the presidency.
• Avoidance of certain political figures in debate programs.

Journalists cite several reasons for concern:

• Risk of criminal prosecution
• Travel ban
• Online defamation campaigns
• Administrative pressures

Self-censorship is not officially declared, but it manifests itself in daily editorial choices.

• In 2025–2026, the issue of press cards constituted an indirect but significant lever of pressure on the profession. The issuance of the professional card, managed by the National Card Commission under government supervision, was marked by delays, suspensions, and non-renewals affecting some journalists perceived as critical. The absence or expiration of the card has concrete consequences: restricted access to official press conferences, difficulties covering public events, obstacles during security checks, and increased vulnerability to prosecution for "illegally practicing" journalism. Several professional organizations, including the National Union of Tunisian Journalists , denounced the potentially discriminatory administrative use of the card system, arguing that its management should fall under an independent mechanism to avoid any political manipulation. In this context, the blocking or delaying of card issuance acts as a tool for informally regulating access to the field and contributes to a climate of self-censorship within newsrooms.
• In 2025–2026, independent community and digital media also faced forms of obstruction and administrative pressure. Platforms known for their investigative journalism, such as Nawaat and Inkyfada , reported recurring difficulties related to accessing public information, obtaining accreditation to cover official events, and securing funding. While instances of outright technical blocking (systematic website filtering) were not permanent, access disruptions, legal pressure, and delegitimization campaigns contributed to undermining their operations. These media outlets, structured as associations and partly dependent on international funding, are sometimes publicly accused of serving “foreign agendas,” which fuels a climate of suspicion and increases their exposure to administrative and tax audits. This type of pressure, less visible than formal censorship, nevertheless contributes to restricting critical media space by complicating the operational and financial viability of these platforms.
• In 2025, the issue of the temporary dissolution of associations reignited concerns about civic space in Tunisia. Administrative decisions led to the suspension or dissolution of certain associations for up to one month, officially for reasons related to non-compliance with administrative or financial procedures. However, civil society actors believed these measures were part of a broader trend of increased control over independent organizations, particularly those active in the fields of human rights, governance, or journalism. The applicable legal framework remains Decree-Law 88-2011 concerning associations, but its interpretation has become more restrictive. Dissolution, even temporary, results in the freezing of activities, the suspension of funding, the interruption of ongoing projects, and a deterrent effect on partners. For community media outlets and organizations supporting journalism, this legal uncertainty undermines medium-term planning and increases dependence on unstable regulatory environments.

5. Disinformation and misinformation

Disinformation is circulating actively, particularly on migration, economic and political issues. Social networks are the main vector.

However, the fight against disinformation is often integrated into a security-focused approach. This situation creates a risk of conflating critical journalistic work with "fake news".

Fact-checking initiatives exist within some newsrooms and civil society organizations, but they lack structured funding and institutional support. There is no clearly defined, coordinated national strategy for 2025.

1. Disinformation about sub-Saharan migrants (2023–2025)

Following President Kaïs Saïed's statements in February 2023 alleging a "plot to alter the demographic composition," social media saw an explosion of unverified content claiming:

• that thousands of migrants were receiving free state-funded housing;
• that they benefited from financial aid greater than that of Tunisian citizens;
• that NGOs were distributing automatic residence permits.

No official data has confirmed these claims. However, these narratives have been widely shared on Facebook and TikTok, contributing to a climate of tension and violence against migrants in certain regions (particularly Sfax).

2. Economic rumors linked to the IMF

During negotiations between Tunisia and the International Monetary Fund, several viral posts claimed:

• the immediate elimination of subsidies on bread and fuel;
• the secret privatization of strategic public companies;
• the imposition of an exceptional tax on bank accounts.

Some of these claims were based on hypothetical scenarios or partial interpretations of technical discussions, but presented as final decisions. This misinformation fueled financial panic and distrust of institutions.

3. Political conspiracy theories

On the political front, coordinated campaigns targeted opponents or magistrates by disseminating:

• false documents presented as evidence of foreign funding;
• audio recordings taken out of context;
• video montages altering public statements.

This content circulates primarily on Facebook, which remains the dominant platform in Tunisia, as well as through closed WhatsApp groups. Its virality is amplified by anonymous pages and high-audience, non-journalistic accounts.

4. Visual manipulations

Images from foreign contexts (demonstrations in Latin America or Europe) were presented as recent scenes in Tunisia in order to exaggerate the scale of mobilizations or unrest.

These visual manipulations are rarely checked before being shared thousands of times, which complicates the work of newsrooms.

5. Institutionalized disinformation vs. critical journalism

A worrying phenomenon is the way some public figures equate critical reporting with "fake news." Journalistic investigations into corruption or economic management are sometimes publicly labeled as disinformation campaigns, blurring the line between legitimate criticism and manipulation.

Structural factors that promote disinformation

• A weak culture of source verification exists among a segment of the public.
• High distrust of traditional media.
• Political polarization.
• Lack of a coherent national strategy to combat disinformation.
• Extensive use of social media as a primary source of information.

6. Access to information

Tunisia has a relatively advanced law on access to information (adopted in 2016). Legally, the framework remains in force.

However, in practice:

• Response times are often exceeded.
• Some administrations cite security reasons to refuse access.
• Government press conferences are infrequent.
• Critical journalists are encountering increased difficulties in accessing official sources.

The gap between the legal framework and implementation has widened.

• Despite the existence of a relatively advanced legal framework guaranteeing the right of access to public information (2016 law), journalists in Tunisia faced increasing obstacles to its effective implementation in 2025–2026. Official requests frequently went unanswered or received late and incomplete responses, particularly when they concerned budgetary, security, or international negotiation data. Some government agencies extensively invoked the notion of "national security secrecy" to refuse to release documents, without detailed justification. Furthermore, the infrequency of government press conferences, the lack of clearly identified contacts in several ministries, and the centralization of institutional communication limited direct access to sources. Critical journalists also reported informal exclusions from certain official events and difficulties in obtaining accreditation. The gap between the protective legal framework and daily administrative practice has thus widened, transforming access to information into an uncertain, lengthy and often dissuasive process.

7. Security of journalists

The main threats are judicial and institutional in nature rather than physical, although cases of assault during demonstrations have been reported.

Identified risks:

• Criminal proceedings
• Pre-trial detention
• Judicial harassment
• Economic pressures
• Alleged digital surveillance

The climate of job security is marked by legal uncertainty.

• Despite the existence of a relatively advanced legal framework guaranteeing the right of access to public information (2016 law), journalists in Tunisia faced increasing obstacles to its effective implementation in 2025–2026. Official requests frequently went unanswered or received late and incomplete responses, particularly when they concerned budgetary, security, or international negotiation data. Some government agencies extensively invoked the notion of "national security secrecy" to refuse to release documents, without detailed justification. Furthermore, the infrequency of government press conferences, the lack of clearly identified contacts in several ministries, and the centralization of institutional communication limited direct access to sources. Critical journalists also reported informal exclusions from certain official events and difficulties in obtaining accreditation. The gap between the protective legal framework and daily administrative practice has thus widened, transforming access to information into an uncertain, lengthy and often dissuasive process.

8. Media Business Models

Public media outlets are primarily dependent on state funding.

Private media rely on:

• Advertising revenue (down in a fragile economic climate)
• Partnerships
• International funding (for some independent media outlets)

Independent digital media often operate with limited budgets, depending on grants or international projects.

Economic viability is a major structural challenge.

• The economic models of media outlets in Tunisia face numerous structural challenges. Excessive reliance on advertising, often concentrated among a few major economic players, limits editorial independence and undermines content diversity. Furthermore, revenue from digital subscriptions remains low, as the culture of paying for online information is still underdeveloped. Public media suffer from insufficient and sometimes politicized funding, while private media outlets face fierce competition and high production costs. This situation creates a vicious cycle: financial insecurity pushes some media outlets to prioritize sensationalism or sponsored content at the expense of investigative journalism and quality reporting, thereby weakening the overall credibility of the sector.

9. Independent media: state and challenges

Several digital platforms and community radio stations are considered independent, with a notable influence in urban areas and among a young and engaged audience.

Their audience remains lower than that of the major national channels, but their qualitative impact (investigation, critical analyses) is significant.

Main challenges:

• Legal pressure
• Financial fragility
• Limited access to institutional advertising
• Occupational fatigue and legal risks for teams

10. Media Literacy (ML)

There is no large-scale structured public policy on media education.

NGOs, universities and some local initiatives are developing awareness programs on information verification and critical analysis of digital content.

The main challenge lies in the lack of national coordination and sustainable funding.

• Media literacy in Tunisia faces several major challenges. First, it remains poorly integrated into official school curricula, which limits the acquisition of critical thinking skills from a young age. Second, teachers and trainers often lack up-to-date teaching resources and appropriate digital tools to address the complex issues related to disinformation, social media, and media content analysis. The digital divide and unequal access to information exacerbate disparities between urban and rural areas. Finally, public awareness remains insufficient, hindering the development of a civic culture capable of distinguishing reliable information from manipulative content and actively participating in democratic life.

11. Gender and Media

Women are strongly present in Tunisian newsrooms, including in presentation and production roles.

However :

• Management positions remain predominantly held by men.
• Women journalists report forms of online harassment.
• Issues related to women's rights are sometimes exploited in political debates.

The media's representation of gender issues varies according to editorial lines.

• The presence of women in Tunisian media is increasingly visible, both in journalism and in leadership positions, but they continue to face challenges related to stereotypes and professional inequalities. Women occupy a variety of roles: journalists, editors, presenters, and producers, contributing to the diversity of voices and perspectives in the media. Several women have also taken the helm of influential media outlets in Tunisia.

12. Coverage of environmental issues

Environmental issues are mainly addressed during local crises (industrial pollution, water shortages, waste management).

Coverage remains event-driven rather than structural. In-depth investigations into industrial responsibility or public policy remain limited.

Some specialized media outlets or digital platforms are developing more sustained environmental journalism, but with limited resources.

The environmental media ecosystem in Tunisia is still emerging and remains marginal within the national media landscape, where traditional media often provide sporadic coverage of environmental issues rather than a continuous and structured dissemination of environmental information. However, specialized initiatives are beginning to gain significant traction, such as Cosmos Media , a digital platform dedicated to environmental journalism and sustainable development that produces articles, reports, podcasts, and multimedia projects on climate issues, biodiversity, public policy, and concrete solutions to ecological challenges. Other digital media outlets like Blue TN also contribute to raising awareness of environmental issues among the Tunisian public, but these initiatives remain limited in resources and audience compared to major general-interest channels. Nevertheless, these specialized projects play a crucial role in increasing the visibility of environmental issues , training journalists in environmental reporting techniques, and fostering a more informed public debate on the ecological transition in Tunisia.

13. Migration Coverage

Migration is a highly politicized subject, particularly in the context of Tunisia-European Union relations.

Journalists face:

• Difficulties accessing detention centers
• Lack of transparent official data
• Climate of social tension surrounding sub-Saharan migrants
• Risk of being accused of damaging the country's image

The coverage oscillates between humanitarian, security and political approaches.

• Media coverage of migration in Tunisia reflects the country's humanitarian, political, and security challenges. Tunisian media, both public and private, devote considerable attention to clandestine departures for Europe, shipwrecks in the Mediterranean, and the living conditions of migrants within Tunisia. This coverage ranges from on-the-ground reporting and interviews with families and experts to political analysis, highlighting the challenges related to cooperation with the European Union, migrants' rights, and local integration. However, some observers criticize the sometimes sensationalist or security-focused approach, which they see as neglecting human stories and the underlying causes of migration.

14. Development and use of AI

The use of artificial intelligence in Tunisian media remains limited and not institutionalized.

Some newsrooms use:

• Automatic transcription tools
• Translation assistance
• Visual generation

There is no clear sectoral strategy on the ethical regulation of AI in the media.

• The Tunisian National Press Council , a regulatory and advisory body for the media, recently published a national charter governing the use of artificial intelligence (AI) in journalism . Presented on February 16, 2026, in collaboration with the National Union of Tunisian Journalists, this document goes beyond a simple report, establishing ethical and professional principles to guide the integration of AI into editorial practices while preserving the integrity, reliability, and diversity of information . The charter emphasizes the need for transparency (clearly indicating the use of AI in content), the systematic verification of results generated by these tools, and the protection of sensitive data. It also affirms that AI must remain a tool for assistance , not replacing the professional judgment or editorial responsibilities of journalists, and calls for increased vigilance against algorithmic bias and the standardization of content. This initiative, seen as a framework for Tunisian newsrooms, reflects an institutional awareness of the challenges related to AI in the national media sector and aims to establish a renewed contract of trust between media and the public in a changing digital environment.